Though I'm not a very good coach, my boys love having me coach them; and I get a kick out of watching them improve over the years. So that's me, I'm SoccerDad. Most of these posts will be about Israel and the Middle East. But not exclusively.
Autotranslated, but understandable a good deal of the time:
Pervaded atmosphere of joy and happiness the Gaza Strip, after a heroic Hebron, which was adopted by the "al-Qassam Brigades" military wing of the movement "Hamas", which resulted in the deaths of four rapists Zionists.
Zoom shouts and cheering from the mosques of Gaza Strip for the masses blessed the process, and declare the responsibility of "Qassam" it, came out with several rallies and spontaneous organization in different parts of the Gaza Strip.
Hundreds of people gathered near a mosque Caliphs in the northern Gaza Strip, chanting tribute to the Qassam Brigades and asking more operations.
The Participants in the march, which started after Taraweeh prayers Palestinian flags and banners green, and cry: "Oh revenge revenge al-Qassam Brigades" and "from Hebron to Gaza .. Qassam code pride."
And seemed to delight in the streets of Gaza, and a large number of people distributed sweets to passersby in the streets, for the blessing of the process quality, which came at a crucial juncture in a common pursuit carried out by the occupation forces and the militia of Abbas against Palestinian resistance.
The young man said Firas Hammad, a distributed sweets on a street in Gaza: "This is a moment of joy, and this is the Qassam Brigades, the lashing out by some, so is the Qassam Brigades, work silently, resulting in two types of work."
He pointed out that from the moment he first heard of the process was uncertain that the Qassam Brigades are behind the process, confirmation came from Abu Obeida to confirm this feeling.
The "Abu Ubaida," spokesman for the Qassam Brigades stressed the responsibility for the implementation of the process, stressing it in a series of implementation plans in response to the crimes of the occupation.
In Khan Yunis, were raised to technicians of the mosques, and left tens of spontaneous marches of the mosques after the Taraweeh prayers, chanting slogans zoom.
Said Haji Abdul Rahim syrup (56 years): "God is great and thankfully, we need the news heartening in this blessed month of jihad and sacrifice, and there is a human came from al-Qassam Brigades, which we return to this anthropologist."
Is not different from the scene in Rafah and the Central Province, where the spontaneous marches roamed the streets and waved flags unification Cubs Green chanting of the Qassam Brigades and asking more operations.
Brahmin and Salem (43 years: "The operation came at a crucial time after a surge in attacks by settlers, and the high frequency of security coordination to say that the resistance is alive and exist, and that all the plots will not succeed."
It seems that the Zionist threats to escalate its aggression after the operation did not succeed in disarming the joy of Gazans, who are still to piece their wounds after the war Criterion late 2008.
1967". He was holding Salman (25 years): "Zionist aggression continuously and do not stop, due to the resistance should not stand idly by, especially given that this process comes against the rapists and the occupied territories since 1967."
And spend hours and increased manifestations of joy and anticipation in the Gaza Strip, amid the prayers and hopes of the return of the Palestinian resistance at the top of "al-Qassam Brigades" to shine once again to strike at the enemy and herds Mgtsbih.
The Al-Qassams Brigade seems to be claiming that this attack was part of something called "Operation Fire Sale." Any Arabic speakers out there?
A Palestinian group calling itself the Al-Haq ("Rights") Brigades has claimed responsibility for Tuesday's shooting that left four Israeli citizens dead in the occupied West Bank . . . The operation was in response to the PLO's decision to return to negotiations with Israel, the statement said.
A front for Hamas but the real reason for the attacks?
All Palestinian political factions, bar one, have denounced the direct talks, some in harsher language than others.
Only Fatah, Mr Abbas's own group, supports direct talks. Even among its members, though, there are plenty of disapproving voices.
Ordinary Palestinians, as well as the political factions, feel they have little influence on the Palestinian leadership's decisions. The Palestinian polity is broken. There is no functioning parliament. The Gaza Strip and the West Bank are divided under the leaderships of rival factions. The PA government under Salam Fayyad was appointed by presidential decree and elections - presidential, parliamentary and municipal - have all been postponed indefinitely
In his second term, Mr. Netanyahu is strong inside and weak outside. Facing no serious challengers, he enjoys political strength like no predecessor in the past generation. Improved security and an excellent economy support a quiet home front. Looking out the window, however, Mr. Netanyahu sees dark clouds surrounding Israel. The country is increasingly isolated, facing a global fatigue over its endless conflict with its neighbours, and a consensus against occupation, settlement expansion and excessive use of military force. And on the horizon, Iran's nuclear project is looming.
Mr. Netanyahu returned to power chiefly to save Israel from the "existential threat" posed by Iran. In this environment, he must rely on the United States, Israel's closest ally and strongest protector. Only Mr. Obama can save Israel from the wrath of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. But this protection comes with a price: a Natanz-for-settlements tradeoff.
If PM Netanyahu were to make a deal he would have support to do so. But Abbas has no standing to make a deal. Palestinian nationalism has always been built on a premise on the destruction of Israel, so this is hardly a surprise. As Richard Cohen observed, nothing's changed in the Arab world regarding the acceptance of Israel. And certainly not in the Palestinian world.
It kind of reminds me Khan's famous rebuke to Captain Kirk.
A few years ago, Richard Cohen wrote an article saying that Israel was a mistake. Though I've read that he didn't mean it the way he wrote it, it was still offensive. Today he writes, Time Stands Still in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which, I believe what he was trying to say in that earlier column.
First Cohen observes that despite the pressure President Obama exerted against Israel ...
For Obama, the figures must be disheartening. They strongly suggest that his attempt to woo the Arab world, to convince it that America can be an honest broker between Israel and the Palestinians, has dismally failed. In fact, the extent of this failure is most stark in Lebanon. There, 100 percent of Shiite respondents -- in other words, Hezbollah and others -- have no faith in Obama and his good intentions. This may be a setback for Obama, but it is paradoxically a success for American values.
What the Arab world seems to appreciate is that America will never agree to what the Arab world most wants -- an Islamic state where a Jewish one now exists. This entirely reasonable conclusion is based on what has long been American policy -- not what the State Department wanted but what the American people supported. America has always liked the idea of Israel. The Arab world, for totally understandable reasons, has always hated it. Nothing has changed.
I wouldn't describe the hatred of the Arab/Muslim world as understandable, but overall this is pretty accurate.
Towards the end Cohen writes:
This is why Obama's overture to the Arab world, clumsily executed, was never going to succeed. America can please some Arab governments -- Egypt and Jordan, for instance -- but not the Arab people. What they want, and what they have been told repeatedly they deserve, is a return of Palestinian refugees to what is now Israel and control over all of Jerusalem. These are both out of the question as far as Israel is concerned. It is not willing to give up its capital and, in a relatively short time, its Jewish majority.
Of course if the Arab people weren't fed a steady stream of antisemitic propaganda, this might not be the case. But then Cohen's conclusion doesn't quite match the rest of his op-ed:
This week, Palestinians and Israelis will once again talk peace in Washington. But until both sides, particularly the Arab peoples, give up on what they really want, the clock will remain where it has been. Those Pew polls show that's around 1947.
Now, a year after Kennedy died, his lifelong biographer Burton Hersh, armed with fresh interviews with Kennedy's mistress at the time, tells Whispers that the whole July 1969 episode should have been handled as a simple crash, leaving the senator's legacy untainted. "It was a car accident," he says. "Ted was a terrible driver. He never paid much attention to where he was going."
Hersh goes on to say that Kennedy felt guilty and that he didn't know what he was doing. So what? How does anything here change the fact that Kennedy left the scene of an accident and left someone to die?
If he was a terrible driver then he never should have gotten behind the wheel.
And I love the conclusion:
He also brushes off tales that Kennedy was a playboy more than a lawmaker. "Kennedy's central project was accomplishing as much as he could in public life. And all of the things, including the drinking, the women, and the rest, were sort of supportive activities. They were amusements."
There was more than drinking and women? Maybe some song? How does this improve Ted Kennedy's legacy? He was a rich drunken playboy who passed some laws.
All Palestinian political factions, bar one, have denounced the direct talks, some in harsher language than others.
Only Fatah, Mr Abbas's own group, supports direct talks. Even among its members, though, there are plenty of disapproving voices.
Ordinary Palestinians, as well as the political factions, feel they have little influence on the Palestinian leadership's decisions. The Palestinian polity is broken. There is no functioning parliament. The Gaza Strip and the West Bank are divided under the leaderships of rival factions. The PA government under Salam Fayyad was appointed by presidential decree and elections - presidential, parliamentary and municipal - have all been postponed indefinitely.
Even the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), which is chaired by Mr Abbas and represents Palestinian interests in international forums, including negotiations with Israel, was not properly consulted about the decision to go to direct talks. The US invitation to the talks was accepted, without a quorum as normally required by the PLO's rules, at an emergency meeting of its executive committee.
Speaking of mandates, when you compare Obama, Abbas and Netanyahu, you come up with the following comparison:
Obama was elected, but no longer has a mandate for his policies.
Abbas has failed to call for elections, so he has neither been re-elected nor has a mandate
Netanyahu is still serving his term in office and has Israel behind him.
And in some ways, Obama is more like Abbas than like Netanyahu.
The New York Times has a new public editor. I am skeptical of this position. In most newspapers the public editor or ombudsman has the job of explaining why the common folk don't understand the wisdom of the news gatherers. While I wish Arthur Brisbane success is his new job, this paragraph in his introduction bugged me.
"We have a substantial infrastructure for responding to public complaints. Greg Brock [senior editor/standards], Phil Corbett [associate managing editor for standards] and Bill Schmidt [deputy managing editor] all spend at least a portion of their time dealing with issues of balance, fairness, accuracy and taste raised by the public. Some cases get passed up to me or Jill [Abramson, managing editor], or to our legal counsel. We publish corrections and editor's notes, and try hard not to be overly defensive when our work is challenged.
Jill Abramson.... where have I heard that name before. Ah yes. A column by Mr. Brisbane's predecessor, Clark Hoyt.
I asked Jill Abramson, the managing editor for news, if The Times could have done the story and left out the allegation about an affair. "That would not have reflected the essential truth of why the aides were alarmed," she said.
But what the aides believed might not have been the real truth. And if you cannot provide readers with some independent evidence, I think it is wrong to report the suppositions or concerns of anonymous aides about whether the boss is getting into the wrong bed.
The story in question was one which publicized unfounded allegations about an affair between Sen. John McCain and a lobbyist, Vicki Iseman. This was one of the strongest rebukes Mr. Hoyt issued in his time as public editor. And Jill Abramson is someone whom the new public editor describes as be part of his team in responding to public complaints. Given the atrocious judgment Abramson displayed in the journalistic hit on Sen. McCain, I hope that Brisbane will make sure that her role in handling public complaints isn't too significant.
No public editor will make me happy. The corruption of the Times integrity is too great. The best Mr. Brisbane can do is to be like the first public editor of the Times, Daniel Okrent, and acknowledge the built-in bias of the paper instead of trying to justify it. At least that way he'll maintain some integrity.
President Obama will begin his one-year effort to achieve Middle East peace on Wednesday, joining a long list of his predecessors who have tried to achieve a comprehensive peace between Israelis and Palestinians.
But unlike the presidents before him, Mr. Obama will know within three weeks whether the two sides are serious this time about reaching a deal.
Really? I would have thought that he already knows that. For one thing Barry Rubin pointed out:
It is amusing to see articles claiming that this is a victory for the Obama Administration. If the U.S. government had been doing such a good job it would have been able to announce the resumption of elections in April 2009, after the visit of Abbas to Washington. The president did indeed announce the resumption of negotiations in September 2009 and nothing has happened in a year.
Moreover, it is amusing to read accounts of the resumption of talks without any mention of the fact that the sole reason it has taken so long has been the PA's resistance to negotiations.
Cooper doesn't claim that the upcoming talks will be a victory for the administration, but she hypes the idea that there will be clarity. But she doesn't acknowledge that the delay in the resumption of talks was due to a calculated fit of pique by Mahmoud Abbas, who wouldn't even go back to the negotiating table after Netanyahu agreed to a freeze on building Jewish communiites in Judea and Samaria. I would think that alone shows who's unserious.
Yet Cooper casts things like this:
Mr. Obama, administration officials said, will call on the four leaders to do all they can to settle, within a year, the final status issues: the fate of Jerusalem, the borders of a Palestinian state, the right of return for Palestinian refugees who fled their homes and the issue of Israeli security.
But on Sept. 26, Israel's 10-month moratorium on settlement construction will expire. Mr. Netanyahu appears unlikely to extend it, Israeli and American officials said. And Mr. Abbas has said that he will withdraw from negotiations if settlement activity resumes.
In other words, she has Israel up for failure. A failure to resume the freeze will lead to a collapse of the talks.
Those officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the delicacy of the talks, said that discussions were under way on a number of possible solutions. They include trying to get a promise from Mr. Netanyahu that Israel will exercise restraint in settlement construction, perhaps allowing construction only within existing West Bank settlement blocks, but no housing starts beyond those blocks.
Such a plan could also include early "confidence building" concessions from Israel on a few additional issues of concern to the Palestinians, officials said, including agreeing to limit Israeli Army incursions into Palestinian-controlled areas in the West Bank, and transferring key areas in the West Bank to Palestinian control before a final agreement is reached.
Of course! It always works, Israeli "confidence building measures." It's amazing how often we hear about "Israeli confidence building measures." (From now on "cbm" for short.) If Israel won't sweeten their offer, the Palestinians will be within their rights to walk away. Of course this failure for Israel to toss out new cbm's will be regarded as a sign of Israel's intransigence.
Did Israel withdraw from Gaza? From most of Hevron? From most of Judea and Samaria? Did Israel regard the PLO as a partner for peace even when the PLO was disregarding every single commitment it made? Does the PA/PLO still engage in incitement against Israel? Do its leaders still deny the legitimacy of Israel as a Jewish state?
I can see why we need more Israeli cbm's. The peace process is so one-sided in Israel's favor, why would the Palestinians participate? Oh wait, they want a state of their own? If their own state is so important why don't they just make a deal? Or is it simply more important to wring concessions out of Israel in exchange for nothing?
Mr. Mitchell's comparison is misleading at best. Success in the Irish talks was the result not just of determination and time, but also a very different United States approach to diplomacy.
The conflict in Northern Ireland had been intractable for decades. Unionists backed by the British government saw any political compromise with Irish nationalists as a danger, one that would lead to a united Ireland in which a Catholic majority would dominate minority Protestant unionists. The British government also refused to deal with the Irish nationalist party Sinn Fein, despite its significant electoral mandate, because of its close ties to the Irish Republican Army, which had carried out violent acts in the United Kingdom.
A parallel can be seen with the American refusal to speak to the Palestinian party Hamas, which decisively won elections in the West Bank and Gaza in 2006. Asked what role Hamas would have in the renewed talks, Mr. Mitchell answered with one word: "None." No serious analyst believes that peace can be made between Palestinians and Israelis without Hamas on board, any more than could have been the case in Northern Ireland without Sinn Fein and the I.R.A.
This is the heart of his specious claim: Hamas is just like the IRA and just like the IRA was convinced to make peace by being engaged instead of shunned, so too Hamas must be engaged in order to make peace in the Middle East.
Well for this analysis to hold, for one thing, Hamas and the I.R.A. ought to be comparable. They're not.
All these contrasts come back to the one major difference between the IRA and Hamas -- religion. For the Irish, religion is not rooted in all facets of life as it is in with Israelis and Palestinians. Religion in Northern Ireland is understood as a cultural and historical force, while in the Middle East it ties Israelis and Palestinians to the same land. Furthermore, Hamas being a religious organization claims religious justifications for attempting to wipe out Israel. This factor is what differentiates the two groups and will ultimately prove how futile Hamas' reform efforts are.
Z-Word lays out how the concession to Gerry Addams would translate into terms of the Arab-Israeli conflict:
The concession of the visa to Adams, for a trip which involved nothing more than glad handing Irish American supporters of the Provisional Republican movement, may well have improved the mood of certain sectors of Sinn Féin - IRA with regard to calling a ceasefire. If the concession of US visa to Ismail Haniye for a trip that would allow him some tea drinking and back slapping with Arab American supporters were likely to lead to a complete Hamas ceasefire leading to something like a Good Friday deal between Israel and Hamas, I'd be all for it.
Let's just remind ourselves what Sinn Féin - IRA settled for in the Good Friday Agreement. They recognized Northern as an integral part of the UK, decommissioned their weapons and dissolved the military structure of the IRA. In return they got the early release of their prisoners (on license, any return to violence by the main Provisional Republican movement and they'll be straight back in the can), some policing reforms, a couple of cross border talking shops and an autonomous local assembly.
I'll try to translate that into the situation of the Israel-Palestine conflict. Hamas accepts that the West Bank and Gaza (why not?) form part of Greater Israel, a Jewish state. Hamas abandons the armed struggle and hands over its weapons to UN monitors. Israel sets up an autonomous Palestine parliament to rule the territories. As well as representative to that assembly Palestinians also get to elect some members to take care of their interests in the Knesset. In return, Israel releases Hamas's prisoners on parole, guarantees that a larger percentage of Magav recruits will be Arabs and promises to make greater efforts to promote the Arabic language and Arab culture in Israel.
Abuminah argues that John Hume - a negotiator of the peace accord for Northern Ireland - wrote an op-ed advocating for Israeli recognition of Hamas. However, that isn't the unanimous position of all those involved. David Trimble, also Nobel Lauereate for his efforts wrote:
If there is one lesson to learn from the Northern Ireland experience, it is that preconditions are crucial in ending violence and producing a settlement. Being overgenerous to extremist groups is like giving sweets to a spoilt child in the hope that it will improve its behaviour - it usually results in worse actions. Our experience suggests that while some flexibility is desirable, there have to be clear principles and boundaries. A failure to recognise this risks drawing the wrong conclusions from the recent history of Northern Ireland and fundamentally misunderstanding the peace process.
Could I just add one thing to that, if I may? Of course, negotiation is far, far better -- infinitely better -- than military action. As far as Northern Ireland is concerned, we welcome hugely the progress that has been made following the Good Friday Agreement. It also has to be said that before that happened, there had to be a change of approach by those who saw terrorism as the answer. And that approach partly changed because of the firmness of the military and police response to that terrorism. And if there had not been that firm response by successive British governments and others to the terrorist threat that was posed on both sides, we would not have been able to get some of those people into negotiations. We would not be marking what is a satisfactory day in the history of Northern Ireland today.
You must give Abumimah and his friends credit for chutzpah: first, they invent a 'right' -- the repatriation of the descendants of refugees from a war that their own leaders caused -- that has never existed in history, then they breed a whole population in misery for years to make a demographic weapon of mass destruction out of them, and finally they demand that they be allowed to use it to end the Jewish state. What will remain for them to 'recognize'?
Naturally, he believes that the reason the US was tough on the British but will not get tough on Israel is the nefarious Jewish (OK, he says 'Israel') Lobby. Hamas knew about the Jewish Lobby all along.
Welcome to Musical Monday a weekly feature that Elie and I alternate hosting - sometimes getting a little help from our friends. Though Yitz figured out the theme, there are still plenty of songs to be ID'd from Musical Monday #155.
1) I can make it longer if you like the style, 2) The roller-coaster ride we took is nearly at an end 3) You'll find that it's stranger than known 4) Well I feel like dirty laundry 5) I find bliss in ignorance, nothing seems to go away 6) Jimmy's got it wired, law's for hire 7) You make every man feel like a child, oh 8) I see no sense in this crying and grieving 9) I don't know why sometimes I get frightened 10) Well don't you know I'm gonna skate 11) I got six hundred miles to ride, to do one more show, oh no 12) So bring your good times, and your laughter too 13) Commit your crime in your deadly time 14) They're climbing up my waterfalls and swingin' on my vines 15) Shake it, shake it like a Polaroid Picture, shake it, shake it 16) Well, I talk about it, talk about it ... 17) It's the sound of my tears falling or is it the rain? 18) Well meet me baby down at 45th street 19) And have a seat on the same old bench, to watch the children play (huh) 20) At five o'clock it's much too crowded 21) I'm not the reason that you go stranded 22) The clothes you're wearing lately causing public scenes. 23) The neon light's on me tonight 24) Should we proclaim with such persistence 25) seesaw swingin' with the boys in the school
Other than the instrumentals, (Also Sprach Zarathrusta, A fifth of Beethoven) I knew about The Lover's Concerto, All By Myself and Could it be Magic. I'm sure I'd heard Rap City. Thanks to TRN for help in providing the clues. (Especially the Ludwig one!)
I was unfamiliar with Green Day's Basket Case, but when I saw that it was based on Canon by Pachelbel - my favorite piece of classical music, well I could quite believe it. The similarity is explained here.
Do you hear a similarity? :-)
1) The gleam in your eyes is so familiar a gleam * (1959) "Once Upon a Dream" in the Disney movie Sleeping Beauty - based upon a waltz in Tchaikovsky's ballet Sleeping Beauty. 2) My heart was captured, my soul surrendered * (1960) "It's Now Or Never" by Elvis Presley - based on O Sole Mio by di Capua. 3) "" (1962) Give Tchaikovsky the blues? Not Cracker. * (1962) "Nut Rocker" by B. Bumble and the Stingers - based on Tchaikovsky's "March of the Wooden Soldiers" from the Nutcracker Suite 4) So he reads to us from something called Ulysses * (1963) "Hello Mudduh, Hello Fadduh! (A Letter From Camp)" by Allan Sherman - based on Ponchielli's "Dance of the Hours" from La Gioconda 5) "" (1964) Not exactly rhapsody. * (1964) "Rap City" by The Ventures - based on Johannes Brahms' Hungarian Dance No. 5 in G minor 6) How gentle is the rain * (1965) "A Lover's Concerto" by The Toys - based on J.S. Bach's Minuet in G from the Anna Magdalena Notebook. 7) The past is filled with silent joys and broken toys, laughing girls and teasing boys, * (1966) "Past, Present and Future" by The Shangri-Las - based on Ludwig van Beethoven's Piano sonata No. 14, "Moonlight" 8) I was feeling kind of seasick * (1967) "A Whiter Shade Of Pale" by Procol Harum - (loosely) based on J.S. Bach's Orchestral Suite No. 3, Air (commonly known as Air on a G String) and Cantata 140 "Sleepers Awake". 9) Tales of mystic days of old are hidden in these walls * (1968) "Hall of the Mountain King" by The Who - inspired by Edvard Grieg's Peer Gynt Suite 10) Don't know what I'm gonna do another week in telephoning... * (1968) "Prelude B - I'm so Glad" by Deep Purple on Shades of Deep Purple - nicely lifted from Rimsky-Korsakov's Scheherazade: The Sea and Sinbad's Ship, 11) One mighty voice that will bring a sound, that will ring forevermore. * (1970) "A Song of Joy" by Waldo De Los Rios for Miguel Rios - based on Beethoven's Ninth Symphony 12) "" (1972) The monkey bone's connected to the spaceship * (1972) "Also Sprach Zarathustra" [i] by Deodato - a funk arrangement of Richard Strauss' composition of the same name 13) I carry the dust of a journey * The Sage from (1972) "Pictures at an Exhibition" by Emerson, Lake and Palmer - entire album based on the work by Modest Mussorgsky 14) Every garden grows one * (1972) "Song Sung Blue" by Neil Diamond - based on Mozart's "Piano Concerto No. 21", second movement 15) I bring time, and I can take you through * (1973) "Joybringer" by Manfred Mann's Earth Band - based on "Jupiter - bringer of jollity" from Gustav Holst's The Planets suite 16) Like the mountains in springtime, like a walk in the rain * (1974) "Annie's Song" by John Denver - based on Peter Tchaikovsky Symphony No. 5, second movement 17) Sweet Melissa, * (1975) "Could It Be Magic" by Barry Manilow - quotes extensively from Chopin's Prelude in C minor 18) "" (1975) Trumpet blasts for average guys. * (1975) "Fanfare for the Common Man" by Emerson, Lake and Palmer - based on Aaron Copland's work of the same name. 19) When I dial the telephone nobody's home * (1976) "All By Myself" by Eric Carmen - based on Sergei Rachmaninoff's Piano Concerto No. 2 20) "" (1976) 750 mL of Ludwig * (1976) "A Fifth of Beethoven" [i] by Walter Murphy - disco version of Beethoven's Fifth Symphony, featured in Saturday Night Fever 21) Cause I couldn't bear to see it end, just like me and you * (1976) "Never Gonna Fall In Love Again" by Eric Carmen - based on Rachmaninoff's Second Symphony 22) Just got back from the downtown palais * (1977) "Rockaria" by The Electric Light Orchestra - based on "Un Bel Di" from Puccini's "Madame Butterfly" 23) Neurotic to the bone * (1994) "Basket Case" by Green Day - based on Johann Pachelbel's Canon in D Major 24) Youre the love of my life and the breath in my prayers * (1999) "Love of my Life" from Supernatural by Santana and Dave Matthews - based on the third movement from Johannes Brahms's Symphony No. 3
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